[1] According to The Concise Oxford Dictionary, the category of “science” may have several connotations. “Science” might be defined as a of knowledge conducted on objective principles involving the systematized observation of and experiment with phenomena, or as systemic and formulated knowledge. 1 (Note1: The Concise Oxford Dictionary. Oxford references on line. 2002. [http://www.oxfordreference.com/]) Thelatter definition effectively describes social science in so far as an experiment has very limited use in this field. However, even in social sciences, data come into two types, i.e. quantitative and qualitative data. Moreover, there has been a clear trend towards gradual “quantification” of social science research over the last hundred years. This is true in particular in mainstream disciplines of social sciences - economics, sociology, psychology and political science. Looking from the overall perspective of political science, this trend has been manifested in a shift from narrative, descriptive and qualitative analysis to empirical, quantitative and comparative research, especially during the last 30 to 40 years after Downs’ An Economic Theory of Democracy. 2 (Note2: Downs, A. (1957): An Economic Theory of Democracy, Boston, Addison Wesley;) All this means that empirical data have a new value as a primary source of social inquiry in all social science disciplines.
[2] Descriptive and inferential statistics, univariate and multivariate analysis, and econometric methods have now become standard instruments of research even in disciplines such as political or educational science, which were traditionally unfriendly to quantitative methodology. It would be hard to imagine that early classical proponents of political science as a discipline, e.g. Wilson, Weber, Pareto, Michels, Ostrogorski or even Merriam and Laswell, who largely initiated the shift towards quantification in political science, would rely on numerical measurements or “number-crunching” in order to conceptualize political phenomena. Inductive and deductive argumentation and logical positivism are now at least partially changed by various statistical procedures, including scalability and cluster, factor and regression analyses. Certainly, the division into quantitative and qualitative “schools” is a fact of life within the political research community. In 1996 Robert E. Goodin and Hans-Dieter Klingemann observed several sciences of politics in the New Handbook of Political Science. 3 (Note3: Goodin, R.E. and Klingemann, H.-D. (1996): “Political Science: The Discipline”, in: Goodin, R. E. and Klingemann, H.-D. (eds.), A New Handbook of Political Science, Oxford, Oxford University Press;) Recently, Paul Pennings, Hans Keman and Jan Kleinnijenhuis defined political science as “an empirical science. Its (political science – the authors) inspiration may well hinge on philosophies of the good world, or on doomsday prophecies, but more or less irrefutable facts constitute its basis. The relevant facts can be gathered from different sources”. 4 (Note4: Pennings, P., Keman, H. and Kleinnijenhuis, L. (1999): Doing Research in Political Science, London, Sage Publications.)
[3] Is the main task of social science to define and collect “relevant facts” from “reliable sources” in order to achieve three main purposes of research - exploration, description and explanation of social phenomena? After reading the famous text by King, and Verba 5 (Note5: King, G., Keohane, R. and Verba, S (1996): Designing Social Inquiry: Scientific Inference in Qualitative Research, Princeton University Press.) on social inquiry and uncertain conclusions, nobody in social science can be so sure and self-confident as they might have been before. In this context it is worth remembering the words of Benjamin Disraeli, who once said “there are three kinds of lies – lies, damned lies, and statistics". 6 (Note6: Kirk, R.E. (1990): Statistics. An Introduction, Chicago, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.) However, scientists love to extrapolate and exaggerate in order to understand complex reality and create an explanatory framework. In all the thoughts on a quantitative and qualitative divide in social sciences, and in political science in particular, this trend towards reductionism can be seen to some extent. The general trend in social sciences towards the hybridization of disciplines also means increasing “travel” in both the concepts and methodology of research. Division and integration seem to be almost the permanent status within and between disciplines in social sciences. In 1990 Gabriel A. Almond described the situation within the political science community as “sitting at separate tables”. Six years later he changed his mind slightly by saying that political science “is pluralism in method and approach, but it is eclectic and synergistic, rather than isolative”. 7 (Note7: Almond, G.A. (1996): “Political Science: The History of the Discipline”. in: Goodin, R. E. and Klingemann, H.-D. (eds.), A New Handbook of Political Science, Oxford, Oxford University Press.) A development towards more empirical, quantitative and comparative research in all social sciences is clearly a major integrative force at a methodological level.
[4] Empiricism, quantification and comparativism are three key words in contemporary social sciences and they produce a raison d’être for enormous empirical data consumption. The first things which come to mind when we hear phrases such as “empirical data” or “data archive” are definitely various collections of quantitative data, ranging from public opinion surveys to perhaps national census data. Our thoughts on empirical data are also associated with various institutions which collect and store data in different Western countries, for example the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR) in the U.S., the German Social Sciences Infrastructure Services (GESIS) in Germany, the Norwegian Social Science Data Archive (NSD), etc.
[5] The situation in Eastern European countries is almost completely different since social science data archives, as a necessary element of science infrastructure, are almost non-existent there or are still in the early phases of development. In many cases in Eastern Europe empirical data for social sciences are still available through various widely dispersed institutions and/or through individual contacts. This difference is certainly not due to the non-existence of empirical social science or empirical data sets, but rather because of a lack of legal and institutional arrangements and funding capacities (sometimes because of a lack of vision and leadership, too), which promote a permanent process of social data archiving as well as access to this data by a broad community of social scientists within different countries and from abroad according to clear and transparent rules. Lithuania is no exception to this rule. Moreover, Lithuania is lagging behind such countries as Slovenia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Estonia and Romania, which already possess the basic structures of social science data archives. Slow developments in the area of social science data archives in Eastern Europe need to be considered in terms of a few major variables in order to achieve change and formulate adequate solutions or policy decisions. In order to evaluate the situation in Lithuania, our primary tasks are as follows:
[6] Our final introductory remark concerns the meaning of “empirical” in contemporary social sciences. Concise dictionaries contain at least a few connotations of the term “empirical”, i.e. as based or acting on observation or experiment, not a theoryor deriving knowledge from experience alone. Seen from the aspect of common sense, empiricism is usually related to the exploration and description of facts. Empirical data in social science have nearly always been associated solely with quantitative data or numerical data that can be measured. However, this is only one side of the coin. The current shift to quantification and methodological sophistication in social sciences means that some types of previously qualitative, especially textual, data are opening up to quantitative measurement. One example of this is content analysis of texts, where findings may not come only in a textual or qualitative form, but also in quantitative forms. In fact, new methodologies mean that the ability of social science to measure the data has increased enormously. The understanding of empirical data collection therefore needs to be broadened to include some areas of qualitative data.
[7] Before 1990 empirical sociological research was concentrated at the Lithuanian Institute of Philosophy, Sociology and Law of the Academy of Sciences and at the University of Vilnius. The main fields of systematic survey research were sociology of work, time budget studies, sociology of youth, family, education and culture.
[8] Empirical sociological studies in Lithuania were first initiated in the mid-1960s. In 1965 the Sociological Research Laboratory was established at the University of Vilnius. In 1966 the Institute of Economics of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences organized a group of sociologists. In 1969 this group was reorganized into the Department of Philosophy, Sociology and Law (renamed the Institute in 1977) at the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences. These and some other groups conducted empirical sociological research. At that time empirical sociology was a synonym for sociology in general. The main directions of empirical research are mentioned below.
[9] Industrial and work sociology: Problems relating to the functioning of enterprises, work effectiveness and job satisfaction were studied. Empirical studies were carried out in many enterprises. In 1984-1985 the Institute of Philosophy, Sociology and Law conducted a sociological study entitled “Satisfaction at work”. 35 enterprises were included in this survey and 4,800 workers and 520 engineers were interviewed. Since 1978 sociological studies have been conducted in all the largest industrial enterprises in Lithuania.
[10] Time budget studies: The main task of these surveys was to analyze the way of life in different social groups and trends in time usage. Researchers from the University of Technology (KTU), which at that time was known as the Polytechnic Institute of Kaunas, were mainly responsible for conducting the largest surveys in 1972, 1974, 1982 and 1988 (more than a thousand respondents each year).
[11] Sociology of youth: One of the most important longitudinal projects for the sociologists started in 1983 and ran for ten years. The study was based on surveys of young people who had finished different kinds of school in 1983. The life paths, lifestyles, values and attitudes of young people were analyzed. This study was conducted in all Baltic countries and 11 former regions of the USSR according to a standard program and method. The International Sociological Association and Stanford University (USA) provided the methodology and financial support for the survey.
[12] Political science only has a short history as an academic discipline in Lithuania since it was not formally recognized until the late part of 1988. In the fall of 1988 an open discussion on the status and teaching of ideological academic subjects (History of the CPSU and Scientific Communism) was started in Vilnius. The leader and chairman of this discussion was Rolandas Pavilionis in his then capacity as Head of the Department of History of Philosophy, University of Vilnius.
[13] The Ministry of Higher Education established a working group on the reform of the social sciences in Lithuania in the fall of 1988. The working group approved a decision, in principle, to introduce political science in the curricula of academic institutions. However, Lithuanian universities were granted the right to choose the contents and teaching intensity of political science. From this moment on responsibility for the reform of the social sciences was transferred to the governing bodies of universities and their social science departments.
[14] Political science in Lithuania matured rapidly due to several factors. The first factor was the exchange of ideas through seminars and visiting lectures by western colleagues at Lithuanian universities; especially active were professors of politics from the United States, for example Julius Smulkstys, Aleksandras Shtromas, Tomas Remeikis, Richard. MillsTomas Remeikis and Stasys Vanagūnas, and Egbert Jahn (Germany). In 1991 Lithuanian American professors established the Lithuanian Political Science Network in the U.S. with the aim of helping Lithuania’s universities with textbooks and advice on organizing political studies in the most efficient way. Secondly, support for the development of political science was forthcoming from international organizations and programs such as the EU’s TEMPUS scheme, the Civic Education Project, the Soros Foundation, the Fulbright Foundation and other foundations, as well as individual universities in Western Europe, especially in Denmark, Sweden and Norway. However, empirical research during the formative years of political science was not a focal point of Lithuanian political scientists.
[15] Both before and after 1990 the main holder of empirical social and economic data in Lithuania was the Department of Statistics, which comes under the auspices of the Government. In 2002 the Department of Statistics issued a list of almost 30 different areas for statistical and econometric studies. Data will be collected and analyzed in areas such as population censuses, demography, employment, the labor force, households, health and social care, industry, agriculture and domestic and foreign trade. The Lithuanian Law on Statistics, which was adopted by Seimas in 1993, stipulates that one of the main priorities of the Department of Statistics is to provide statistical information to central and local government, research institutions, EUROSTAT and other international organizations according to international agreements. The methodology of statistical data collection by the Department of Statistics improved significantly after 1990. After the 2001 Population Census all the social, demographic and regional statistics are fully compatible with EU standards. Other areas of statistical data collection are also expected to comply with EU standards and regulations at the latest by January 1, 2004, the deadline for the completion of Lithuania’s preparations for joining the European Union. Despite legal provisions on easy access to statistical data stocks of the Department of Statistics by Lithuanian researchers, these data holdings are not widely used in social research for secondary analysis due to various material, technical and even psychological reasons. The development of a social science data archive could lead to closer interaction between social scientists and institutions of official statistics.
[16] After 1990 far-reaching changes occurred in society, which also had an effect on the research sector. On the one hand, there was a substantial decrease in demand for research related to industrial development (for instance in physics or mathematics). In the field of the social sciences, exactly the opposite process had occurred: demand for sociologists had increased at universities; studies started on new topics which had been banned in the past (politics, religion, inter-ethnic relations). Western scientists and politicians closely monitored problems during the transitional period and they needed the empirical data; state institutions, political parties and non-governmental organizations also wanted to know the real situation in society. Many European and especially Eastern Central European projects were carried out in Lithuania.
[17] Up until 1990 empirical research in Lithuania was concentrated at the Institute of Philosophy, Sociology and Law (The Academy of Sciences) and at the University of Vilnius. Decentralization took place after this date. A structural and institutional framework for empirical social research was not rigorously defined, and it is continuously changing. It is worth noting that the execution (field work) of empirical research has been concentrated in three private companies (public opinion and market research) and at the Department of Statistics. Small-scale projects (expert studies, for example) are implemented by the analytical centers of the social sciences themselves. There are constant problems in that unprofessional companies appear from time to time and claim to provide empirical research (which is of a poor quality) at a lower price. However, this issue primarily affects public opinion research.
[18] In Lithuania there also are some NGOs conducting projects based on empirical data, e.g. the Lithuanian Free Market Institute and the Lithuanian Human Rights Center.
[19] Political science cannot hope to compete against sociology in terms of the scale and scope of provision of empirical data for secondary analysis in any country, not to mention Lithuania, where political studies only have a contemporary history of 12 years. However, there are a number of political science institutions in Lithuania, which are actively carrying out empirical research (see table 1).
| Institution | Number of | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Staff | Students | ||||||
| Professors | Associate Professors | Lecturers | Researchers | Under-graduate | Graduate | Ph.D. | |
| University of Law, Vilnius Department of Political Science | 5 | 2 | 120 | 105 | |||
| Kaunas University of Technology, Policy and Public Administration Institute | 2 | 7 | 2 | 1 | 50 | 28 58 |
6 3 |
| Military Academy Vilnius Department of Political Science | 1 | 2 | 150 | ||||
| University of Klaipėda, Department of Political Science | 5; | 1 | 53 | 17 | |||
| University of Vilnius, Institute of International Relations and Political Science | 3 | 18 | 15 | 3 | 365 | 86 | 15 |
| Vilnius Pedagogical University, Department of Political Science and Sociology | 3 | 2 | 100 | 15 | |||
| Vilnius Technical University, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences | 1 | 3 | 2 | ||||
| Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Political Science | 1 | 5 | 2 | 155 | 11 | ||
| Total: | 7 | 47 | 28 | 4 | 993 | 320 | 24 |
[20] The Institute of International Relations and Political Science (IIRPS), University of Vilnius, is the most important political science organization. The Institute was founded on February 7, 1992 as the Institute of International Relations and was relatively unaffected by remnants of the past. On November 26, 1992 the Institute was renamed as the IIRPS.
[21] The Policy and Public Administration Institute of Kaunas University of Technology (PPAI) is an even younger institution than the IIRPS in Vilnius since it was only established in 1999. In 2001 the contained the Department of Law, the Department of Public Administration, the Department of Sociology, the Center for Public Policy Research and the Municipal Training Center.
[22] The next center of political studies and research in Lithuania is of course the Institute of Political Science and Diplomacy, including the Department of Political Science, at Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas. Political studies had a rather novel start in Kaunas between 1990 and 1992 because the subject was based exclusively on visiting scholars from Western countries. The Department of Sociology and Political Science developed good connections with Linköping University (Sweden) and the University of Bergen (Norway), and many politics lecturers came to this university through the Civic Education Project (CEP), together with visiting Lithuanian American professors in politics.
[23] The Department of Political Science at the University of Klaipėda was founded in 1992 as the Department of Sociology and Political Science. In 1995, however, it was reorganized into two separate departments of sociology and political science respectively. The story of political studies in Klaipėda actually started in 1992 when a bachelor’s degree in politics was introduced. Since 1996 the Department has offered MA degree studies with majors in political theory and public administration.
[24] In addition to the above-mentioned leading institutions in political science, there are a few other minor departments at the University of Law (Vilnius), the Military Academy, Vilnius Technical University etc. The years between 1990 and 1995 could be termed a period of research identity formation in Lithuanian political science. The main research areas during this period included:
[25] Concentration on the above-mentioned topics was a good reflection of the actual research agenda of the Institute of International Relations and Political Science between 1993 and 1995. The major research projects at this Institute included studies on Governmental Changes and Prospects for Democracy in Lithuania(supported by the NATO Democratic Institution Fellowship, 1993-1994), Lithuanian Political Culture(Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 1994-1995), Lithuanian Party System (1994-1997), Lithuanian Security and Foreign Policy (1995-1999). Since 1996 the priorities of University of Vilnius:Institute of International Relations and Political Science (IIRPS) have increased, at least in two relatively new areas, i.e. political elite research and studies of Lithuania’s integration into the EU. The IIRPS has conducted the following major research projects since 1996: Lithuanian Political Elite Research (1996-1997) and Lithuanian Integration into the EU (1997-2000).
[26] Because of the faculty’s history, the Policy and Public Administration Institute of Kaunas University of Technology has been predominantly oriented toward public policy research. However, major research priorities of this institute cover three fields: public administration, political science and sociology. Research in political science here is based on a comparative approach and includes the following topics: Governmental institutions and history of Lithuania; Elections and electoral systems; Political parties and party systems; Political elite and political transformations; Political socialization. Moreover, some research topics that belong formally to the areas of public administration and sociology are closely connected to political science, e.g. Citizens’ participation in governance, Sociology of community development and public participation.
[27] The major research priorities of the Department of Political Sciences at the University of Klaipeda were concentrated on the modern political resources of Lithuania with special emphasis on regional politics.
[28] Research at the Institute of Political Science and Diplomacy (Vytautas Magnus University) might be characterized as extremely eclectic since it covered fields ranging from local government to EU studies and research on ethnic minorities to political parties.
[29] In the case of emerging academic disciplines, every new academic field needs some period of time to become professional. Looking from the perspective of empirical political research, there are at least four different types of obstacle, which the emerging discipline needs to overcome. Firstly, the organization of studies and writing or/and translating of textbooks takes priority over the development of research identities and research projects. Secondly, the lack of human resources with experience in empirical political research, starting with research design and knowledge of quantitative methodology, was a marked characteristic of emerging Lithuanian political science;. As a result of this, quantitative political research was almost non-existent in Lithuania until the 1990s. Thirdly, there is no tradition of a discipline as the development of original empirical data collections for secondary analysis takes time. Fourthly, a comparison of research projects shows that internal and external donors provided much more generous support for the development of a curriculum and courses. In addition, western scholars ran major research projects in which researchers from Eastern Europe played the role of data providers, but data were collected and supplied to western universities and institutions. However, the additional benefit of this partnership, which may appear unequal at first glance, was that Eastern European researchers acquired expertise in designing and conducting research from western colleagues.
[30] One basic result is the slow development of empirical data collections within the area of political science. Major fields, which might encourage empirical research and secondary analysis of data, for example comparative politics, political sociology or political economics, are still rather underdeveloped.
[31] Methodological sophistication and the variety of theoretical approaches are a reflection of the maturity of a discipline as well as a good predictor of empirical data use in political research. A survey in spring 2000 of the most popular theoretical approaches within eight institutions in the country in political science showed that the historical approach is still the most popular. However, behaviorism, functionalism and system theory are in second, third and fourth places respectively. Neo-institutionalism is a theoretical approach that is almost as equally popular as the three others mentioned above. Minor approaches include organizational and rational choice theories, hermeneutics and phenomenology. Marxism is certainly the rejected approach, but the Lithuanian political science community still does not accept two other approaches, i.e. game theory and existentialism. Unfortunately, there are no data on the use of quantitative methods in political studies. Nevertheless, simple observations of current trends lead us to conclude that, in the late 1990s, political research based on the quantitative technique is expanding more rapidly then ever, but that it still does not play a dominant role in dealing with political phenomena and political data. These findings confirm that most political research up until recently in Lithuania was conducted by methods which required more qualitative than quantitative data.
[32] However, there are a number of empirical research areas ranging from public opinion surveys and electoral studies through to household and labor force surveys where extensive empirical data sets are available for secondary analysis. These data sets are continuously updated with new data.
[33] The first public opinion surveys in Lithuania were conducted in 1989. During twelve years of radical reforms society has changed to an unrecognizable extent. The functions of public opinion as an institution have also changed; and there have been shifts in the relationship between public opinion and power (as a natural opponent). This transition can basically be divided into five periods.
[34] Vox populi – vox dei (1989-1990). During the “velvet revolution” public opinion played a strange role. It was one of the most important factors at the start of reforms. The newly emerging political elite used public opinion as an instrument to consolidate its positions. It seemed that the principle of “vox populi – vox dei” would be in force forever.
[35] Vox populi – vox stultorum (voice of people – voice of stupidity) (1991-1992). The new institutionalized power changed its attitude towards public opinion quite quickly. A characteristic feature of this period was the arrogance of power: “parliament is public opinion in pure form”, public opinion is incompetent and reactionary in many cases.
[36] Distrust of methodology (1993-1996). One western polling company caused some considerable harm to the reputation of public opinion polls during the 1992 parliamentary election exit poll. The result was totally wrong. During this period classical reasons of distrust also played an important role: “one thousand respondents can not represent all the population”, “respondents do not tell the truth”, etc.
[37] Public opinion as an adviser in decision-making (1997-1998). A closely predicted result of the parliamentary elections and promises of a new power to listen to the voice of the general public increased the number of orders for public opinion polls from state institutions considerably. A great deal of information was not published in the media: experts analyzed this information before making decisions. The state institutions engaged specialists who were able to analyze the results of sample surveys in a professional manner.
[38] Direct democracy? (1999+). A diminishing reputation of the power structures paved the way for the use of public opinion polls as a final argument in making important decisions: a change in the time zone, administrative division of Lithuania’s territory, resignation of the Prime Minister, etc. In 2001 the results of the public opinion survey were used as an argument in a trial case before the Constitutional Court.
[39] In 2001 there were three public opinion research companies which had a stable network of interviewers, conducted regular surveys and published results: Baltic Surveys, Vilmorus and Social Information Center. These companies have accumulated the results of surveys carried out over many years on party preferences, trust in institutions, evaluation of the economic situation and many other ad hoc surveys.
[40] Free and fair elections were not only an instrument through which democracy was installed in Lithuania after 1988, electoral studies also became an area through which empirical studies and empirical data collections were introduced in political research. The agenda of electoral research has tended to change considerably since 1990 because of various circumstances. From approximately 1992 onwards the electoral research agenda was gradually widened to include such items as party identities, electoral campaign analysis (mainly through studies of the printed media), voting behavior, parliamentary and government elites and party programs. Nowadays only one important item - a roll-call analysis - is missing in electoral research in Lithuania. The body of empirical data relating to elections is also rather impressive. Since 1992 empirical data have been collected from pre-election and post-election surveys for all parliamentary, presidential and local elections. However, these surveys were conducted by different survey agencies and questionnaires are not fully compatible. Voting statistics have been available since the 1996 Seimas elections and are accessible online, including candidates’ biographies and data from their financial declarations.
| Institution | General area of interest | Data collections |
|---|---|---|
| The Baltic Surveys | Survey research | Pre-election and post-election survey data; World Values Survey data |
| Vilmorus LTD. | Survey research | Pre-election and post-election survey data; New Baltic Barometer |
| Social Information Center | Survey research | Pre-election and post-election survey data only since 1996; Mass media analysis. |
| Institute of International Relations and Political Science, University of Vilnius | General electoral research | Lithuanian Political Culture, 1994; 2000; Elite survey data. |
| Policy and Public Administration Institute, Kaunas University of Technology | General electoral research | Data on parliamentary elites (since 1990) and government elites (since 1998); Elite survey data; Lithuanian party manifestos since 1990. |
| Department of Political Science, University of Klaipeda | Research on local elections | |
| Central Electoral Committee | Management and publication of official electoral data | Electoral statistics since 1992; Electoral system and election laws; Candidates’ biographies. |
[41] At the very beginning, most research in the field of political parties was mainly exploratory and descriptive because of the formation of a competitive party system in Lithuania. Since 1992 the Department of Information and Analysis (Lithuanian Seimas) led by Alvidas Lukošaitis has been collecting background data (leadership, some organizational features, party finances, etc.) on Lithuanian parties (Lukošaitis 1993, 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997a, 1997b, 1998, 1999, 2000). Lithuanian party manifestos and other party documents for secondary analysis are mainly available from three institutions: the Policy and Public Administration Institute (Kaunas University of Technology), the Institute of International Relations and Political Science (University of Vilnius) and the Department of Information and Analysis (Lithuanian Seimas).
[42] A few other methods were used in studies on Lithuanian parties and they helped to develop some empirical data sets, i.e. measurement of the left-right positions of parties by means of expert scales, voter scales and party manifesto scales. The recent focus in party research has been the development of party organizations.
[43] Party preferences in Lithuania have been studied on a continuous basis since 1990. At present there are some quite extensive data archives on these issues. The data are regularly published in the mass media and are now also available on the Internetsite “Lieturos politiku reitingai” (Lithuanian Political Ratings). The research on this topic increases significantly before elections, although only a small part of the findings are published: political parties normally commission this research and the data remain their property. More in-depth studies (they could be called “political culture”: interest, knowledge, participation in political activities; methods of political activities, etc.) are rarely conducted and are usually financed by foreign foundations (in 1994 financed by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, in 1999 and 2001 Södertörns Högskola).
[44] During the transition period studies of the Lithuanian political and economic elite had vital diagnostic and prognostic functions. Elite studies were started in Lithuania almost immediately after the initial elections in 1990 when the old elite was largely replaced by a new post-communist leadership. Elite formation was an initial topic in these studies, which were mainly conducted by analyzing biographies. Biographies were the main source of empirical data collections in the early phases of elite research. Surveys of elite attitudes and orientations only began around the mid-1990s. In particular, special attention was paid to studies on elite values. Two major surveys were conducted by Kęstutis Masiulis (University of Vilnius) with the emphasis on the “power” elite, i.e. including respondents from the political, business and media elite (five surveys were conducted between 1993 and 1995 by the Lithuanian Free Market Institute) and Irmina Matonytė (Kaunas University of Technology) with the emphasis on the business elite (in 1996 – 260 respondents; in 2000 – 180 respondents) 8 (Note8: Masiulis, K. (1998): Lietuvos elito pasaulėžiūros ekonominiai politiniai kontūrai“, in: Lietuvos socialinės panoramos kontūrai, Vilnius, Lietuvos filosofijos ir sociologijos institutas.)
[45] The main body of empirical data is collected on Cabinets of Ministers and the parliamentary elite in Lithuania. The data on the Cabinets, which include the structure of the government, political experience of ministers, as well as social and demographic characteristics of individual ministers, cover the period between 1918 and 2001. An extensive data set on the structure and membership of parliamentary committees and parliamentary factions is available from the Department of Information and Analysis (Lithuanian Seimas).
[46] Empirical research on interest intermediation did not become part of the agenda of Lithuanian political scientists until 1997. The first in-depth survey of interest groups was only conducted in spring 1997. Organizational features and links with central and local government were among the variables in this survey. Several new surveys were conducted on interest groups in 1999 and 2000.
[47] International relations and foreign policy issues are barely operationalized for empirical research. In this case surveys are almost the only useful instrument for reflecting changes in attitudes. However, an extensive body of empirical data has been collected here on attitudes of Lithuanian citizens towards European integration issues as well as attitudes towards neighboring countries.
[48] In Lithuania the largest proportion of the inhabitants are Lithuanians – 82%, Russians – about 8%, Poles – about 7%. Most of the Russians arrived in Lithuania after the Second World War. Although most of them have adapted well to post-independence realities, older Russians have a poor grasp of the Lithuanian language and are nostalgic for the Soviet past. Poles are local dwellers in Lithuania – most of them live in Eastern Lithuania and Vilnius. Poles living in Lithuania are faced with problems such as a lower standard of education and employment in the agricultural sector, which suffered a great deal during the reform process.
[49] Such studies were not conducted during the Soviet period. Following the restoration of independence, some studies were conducted regarding inter-ethnic relations. It can even be said that this aspect was retraceable in most of the empirical studies.
[50] A major in-depth study was conducted in 1999 when 100 Lithuanians, 100 Russians, 100 Poles, 100 Jews, 100 Tartars, 100 Roma and 100 respondents of other ethnic groups were interviewed. The main objective of this project was to understand the peculiarities of adaptation of ethnic groups in Lithuania. The Lithuanian Institute of Philosophy and Sociology carried out this research.
[51] Studies on sub-ethnic groups in Lithuania have also been carried out. The problems of the identity of sub-ethnic groups are an important factor when creating natural historically emerged economic and cultural regions.
[52] The New Baltic Barometer is one of the most comprehensive empirical projects conducted in Lithuania. The first wave of the project was carried out in 1993, followed by subsequent waves in 1995, 1996, 2000 and 2001 (field work: Vilmorus). In each wave not less than 1000 respondents were interviewed. A booster sampling procedure was executed in order to analyze the data of Russian speakers separately (after the main survey an additional number of Russian speakers were interviewed in order to achieve at least 200 interviews in this group). 9 (Note9: Rose, R. (1995): New Baltic Barometer II: A Survey Study, Glasgow, CSPP, University of Strathclyde; Rose, R. (1997): New Baltic Barometer III: A Survey Study, Glasgow, CSPP, University of Strathclyde; Rose, R. (2000): New Baltic Barometer IV: A Survey Study, Glasgow, CSPP, University of Strathclyde; Rose R. and Maley, W. (1994): Nationalities in the Baltic States. A Survey Study.)
[53] In the survey questionnaire there were over 150 indicators concerning political and economic preferences, attitudes towards the Soviet past, inter-ethnic relations, everyday economic life, etc. These studies were also carried out in other Central and Eastern European countries (The New Democracies Barometer). The summary results were published in a series of Studies in Public Policy by the University of Strathclyde and are available for secondary analysis on the Internet.
[54] Shifts of values in various social groups attract special attention in a rapidly changing society. This kind of information has both a theoretical and practical value as regards forecasting. The largest studies on values were carried out in 1990 (n=1020) and 1999 (n=1018). The conceptual work and data analysis were carried out by the Institute of Culture and Art (field work: Baltic Surveys). This study was conducted in many European countries, which means that it is possible to analyze the cultural differences among countries in various regions.
[55] Lithuania’s sociologists have been working in this field for several decades. One relatively new problem in this area since 1992 has been the question of closing down the Ignalina nuclear power plant as an unspoken condition of Lithuania’s entry into the European Union. The closure of the Ignalina nuclear power plant will affect a whole region in Northeast Lithuania where regular empirical surveys are conducted by the Lithuanian Institute of Philosophy and Sociology. The research topics include the local residents’ attitudes towards existing and potential problems; prospects for the development of small and medium-sized businesses; the language situation since this area is heavily populated by Russians, etc.
[56] The quality of life has been studied in separate cities: Vilnius (1992), Kaunas (1996). The Lithuanian Institute of Philosophy and Sociology conducted these studies.
[57] In 1990 a major project entitled “New Democracy and Local Government” started. Expert surveys among members of 22 municipal councils and employees were carried out in 1991, 1995, 1999 and 2001. In each wave approx. 330 experts were interviewed. At regional level a culture of management has been researched. The Institute of Philosophy and SociologyInstitute of Philosophy and Sociology and Kaunas University of Technology are implementing the project.
[58] Demographers mostly use data from the Department of Statistics (birth rate, mortality rate, migration, etc.), although empirical sample surveys are necessary for research on many problems. The main center for these studies is the Demographic Research Center.
[59] Every year hundreds of cases of illegal migration are identified in Lithuania. Most of the immigrants usually come from various countries in Asia, but the final migration destinations are Germany and other western European countries. There are not many people willing to stay in Lithuania.
[60] Research on this topic was carried out by International Organization for Migration (IOM) with the collaboration of the University of Vilnius and the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology. Empirical surveys (polls of illegal migrants) were conducted in 1996 and 2000 (n=124 in-depth interviews).
[61] In 1995 the Demographic Research Center under the Lithuanian Institute of Philosophy and Sociology conducted one of the largest empirical studies in Lithuania (field work: Baltic Surveys). As many as 3000 women and 2000 men were interviewed in total (aged 18 to 49). Biographical events in the respondents’ lives were fixed: learning, leaving the parental home, working experience, establishment of a family, birth of children, migration. These life events were fixed both from time and spatial aspects: place of occurrence, housing conditions. Values and attitudes were also researched. This research on life paths led to the compilation of comprehensive information on the evolution of the family as a social institution during the past few decades. This study was part of the international project initiated by the Population Activities Unit of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE). In 2001 the project was repeated on a smaller scale (n=1400).
[62] Since 1996 the Department of Statistics has been conducting household budget surveys which comply with the main requirements of EUROSTAT. The aim of the surveys is to obtain reliable data on the incomes of households, the structure of expenditure, living conditions and information which is needed to define price indexes. Ad hoc questions are also included in these surveys (for example about computers and use of the Internet. The subject under investigation in these surveys is a household. Households are selected using a random sampling method from the population register. Two methods of collecting information are combined: face-to-face and self-registration. 670 households are surveyed over a period of one month and total numbers reach more than 8,000 over the course of a year. 84 interviewers and 12 supervisors are engaged in the surveys. The results are published regularly.
[63] Since 1994 the Department of Statistics has been conducting employment and unemployment sample surveys (target group: people aged 15 and over). In 2000 two surveys were conducted (approx. 8000 respondents in each). The level of unemployment is higher compared with other official sources of statistics.
[64] Baltic Surveys began media research on a regular basis in 1997. In 1998 another company – CSI/Gallup Media – also began activity in this sphere. At present the following commercial products are available: permanent TV/radio audience surveys based on the diary method (Baltic Surveys); TV meters – minute by minute TV ratings, coverage, share, etc. (CSI/Gallup Media); press audience survey twice a year (Baltic Surveys); quarterly national readership surveys (CSI/Gallup Media); kids’ media audience twice a year (Baltic Surveys); businessmen media audience twice a year (Baltic Surveys); regional media surveys (CSI/Gallup Media).
[65] The size and availability of empirical data sets in various fields of social sciences depend on various circumstances. First of all, it is a profile of a discipline as such. Whereas sociology and economics rely a great deal on empirical data, political science is much less oriented towards empirical tradition in spite of a general trend towards empiricism and econometrization in contemporary social sciences. Another explanatory variable is the history of certain discipline, because history is related to a state-of-the-art. Institutional development and the size of academic community matter here, too. Last but not least, leadership, vision and the intensity of international links may lead to an increase or decrease in the development of empirical data sets in various social science disciplines.
[66] Looking together at the three major disciplines of social science (economics, sociology and political science) sources of empirical data can be classified in a few groups:
[67] Studies started decentralizing in Lithuania after 1990: they were conducted by universities, state institutes, private research companies, NGOs, etc. The key directions of empirical research were political and party preferences, elite studies, attitudes towards Lithuania’s accession to the EU, society in transition, inter-ethnic relations, value studies, regional and urban development, and demography. Public opinion surveys comprise a separate field of empirical studies which are carried out regularly by several public opinion and market research companies. A substantial data archive (statistical and based on representative sample surveys) has been accumulated by the Department of Statistics. Regular mass media surveys are another potentially important source of social data.
[68] No representative opinion polls were conducted up until 1990. It is not very easy to explain this fact, because there were many topics which could have been researched without strong ideological control: family problems, leisure, culture, etc. It can be assumed that there was a cautious attitude towards representative polls due to two main reasons. Firstly, there was a fear that the representative polls might disclose the data on the age structure of males (which was kept secret) – military troops potential, certain professions, etc. A substantial part of data from the population census (which was carried out once every ten years and was definitely representative) were intended for “office use” only. The second reason is perhaps less rational. A random survey includes interviews in respondents’ dwellings. According to Soviet ideology, a private dwelling was somehow not very “progressive” and was difficult to control. “Non-progressive” people might have been included in personal interviews. Moreover, if interviewers were able to start walking through dwellings, the dissidents might have appeared among them (to agitate, collect information, etc.).
[69] Up until 1990 polls were typically conducted in offices, enterprises, schools, institutes and other places of work.
[70] The first representative surveys in Lithuania were carried out in 1989. They were public opinion polls. Public opinion and market research centers were the “enterprises” conducting representative surveys. Such enterprises have a steady network of professionally trained and controlled interviewers. There are three private companies possessing a steady network of interviewers: Baltic Surveys, Social Information Center and Vilmorus. These companies also conduct surveys commissioned by social science institutions.
[71] One basis of representative surveys is multi-stage, random sampling. The sampling models were prepared with the assistance of specialists from the USA, the UK and other countries.
[72] At present the level of refusal to participate in interviews is about 20% in Lithuania. About 20% of respondents are not found at home after the second visit. These factors slightly distort the structure of a sample compared with the real social demographic structure. The data could be weighted using census data. However, the last census from which the data could be used was carried out in 1989. This means that the data are very old. The last census in Lithuania was carried out in 2001, but its data will only be available at the end of 2002.
[73] Representative surveys are very expensive. Social sciences institutions are rarely able to attract financial resources for such surveys from state institutions or abroad. Many surveys conducted by social science institutions are based on volunteer work provided by students, teachers and sociologists themselves. Such information is quite often absent in methodological reports. Moreover, the methodical descriptions of surveys are normally not comprehensive enough. Nevertheless, the majority of representative sample surveys conform to the standards established by the European Society for Opinion and Marketing Research (ESOMAR) and the World Association for Public Opinion Research (WAPOR).
[74] Although the problem of the quality of research is being discussed continuously, it can be said that Lithuania does not currently possess a really important social database. This is due to the data owners’ lack of interest in sharing information and the costs of creating the databases. This problem is being tackled in Lithuania though, and there are grounds for assuming that it will eventually be solved in the future.
[75] On the other hand, social science representatives lacking resources for quantitative research attempt to compensate when employing qualitative research. For instance, fewer interviews are carried out, but they are more encompassing and often in-depth.
[76] The question of the creation of data archives has arisen ever since the first empirical sociological surveys. However, this did not appear feasible even in the centralized Soviet system. Well-organized databases are not available at present due to several reasons.
[77] Due to the above-mentioned reasons and others, data from empirical sociological surveys are dispersed and some of the methodological information on the parameters of surveys has been irretrievably lost. At present only larger private public opinion research centers possess comprehensive information resources. In state-owned sociological centers empirical data are vanishing very quickly due to structural reforms and changing authorities.
[78] It is more than obvious that Lithuania needs a multi-disciplinary research and resource center for the storage and dissemination of empirical (first of all, computer-readable) data for research in social sciences. Many questions still need to be answered. They include the following: what social science disciplines need to be included in the development of a social data archive, what will be the main objectives of a data archive and what major funding sources could be obtained for such a center?
[79] Even without a full-scale inventory of empirical research projects, topics and empirical data stocks in Lithuania (this step needs to be taken as a preparatory step towards a systemic assessment of the situation), it is quite clear that a social science data archive (SSDA) must include as constituent disciplines sociology, political science, demography, educational sciences, history, social psychology and research in the field of economic time series (at micro and macro level), because these disciplines are widely exposed to the creation and use of empirical data in the process of scientific inquiry. A broad spectrum of disciplines would enable data to be obtained from various sources, including researchers who have collected them in the course of their own investigations, and from private, international and government agencies.
[80] A social science data archive definitely has two objectives. In this case there is no need to invent the wheel, but rather to use experience already accumulated by similar institutions in Western European countries and some Eastern European countries. On the one hand, it needs to be designed as a data repository and dissemination institution for social sciences in Lithuania and internationally. On the other hand, it must be a center which is able to provide training in the methods and technologies of the social sciences, as well as a source of assistance in the application of computer technology to research and teaching. The promotion of the culture of secondary data analysis could be a very important task of the SSDA, because this element is highly underdeveloped in Lithuanian social sciences. However, the systematic development and documentation of integrated databases will be major priorities of the SSDA during the first years of its institutionalization.
[81] Since the Lithuanian academic community in social sciences is divided into at least three sectors (see appendix 2), i.e. those employed at universities, institutes of the Academy of Sciences and private data producers in the field of public opinion research, all the institutions from these areas need to be included in the development of a Lithuanian social science data archive. An inter-university consortium model, which is a constituent element in many Western social data archives, is questionable in the case of Lithuania. The social science data archive needs to be an inter-academic and inter-institutional center based on an agreement between universities and the institutes of the Academy of Sciences (cooperation with government and private agencies also needs to be considered) as core elements able to produce, process and disseminate empirical data in Lithuania.
[82] The international dimension of the development of the Lithuanian social science data archive is crucially important, not least because of two reasons. Firstly, free access to already existing Lithuanian and international empirical data (see appendix 3) and expertise obtained through cooperation agreements with similar academic service organizations abroad would help to attract much more attention and material and intellectual investments from all domestically based institutions. Moreover, the SSDA facilitating access by Lithuanian scholars to international empirical data holdings and research development know-how is seen as a measure in building confidence and consensus among domestic Lithuanian institutions in the process of the formation of a national data archive. In future the participation of the SSDA in collaborative international projects would help to create a resource base for comparative quantitative research. Secondly, international cooperation is almost a basic precondition in order to obtain proper funding for the development of the SSDA from national and international sources. The major domestic financial donors are considered to be the Lithuanian Ministry of Education and Science and the State Fund of Science and Studies. International level funding arrangements primarily depend on the ability to form international networks in order to apply for support from the EU 6th Framework Programme.Additional resources might also be received from national governments through bilateral partnership agreements between established Western European and developing Eastern European social data archives. In the case of Lithuania, this is most likely through agreements between similar social science infrastructure organizations in Nordic countries with whom many Lithuanian academic institutions have long-lasting connections. The early entry of the Lithuanian SSDA into the International Federation of Data Organizations (IFDO) and the Council of European Social Science Data Archives (CESSDA) is a necessary precondition for its successful development, especially in the areas of applying common standards of data documentation, retrieval and exchange.
[83] From short and medium-term aspects, the most important tasks in Lithuania are an inventory of existing empirical research institutions and social science data holdings, institutionalization of the data archive through inter-institutional agreements, creation of a website and sustainable development of the social science data archive.
26 April 2002
| Type of project | Title | Principle Investigator (owner of the data) |
Time |
|---|---|---|---|
| International |
World Values Survey | Baltic Surveys | 1990- 1999 |
| Central and Eastern Eurobarometer | Baltic Surveys, European Commission | 1991-1997, 1999-2001 | |
| Political Party Survey | Iowa University, Baltic Surveys | 1993, 1998 | |
| Political Values | Times Mirror Center , Baltic Surveys | 1991, 1992 | |
| Gender Equality Survey | Gallup Organization, Baltic Surveys | 1996 | |
| End of the Year Survey | Gallup International, Baltic Surveys | 1991-1998 | |
| Democracy Survey | Social Science Research Center, Berlin (WZB), Baltic Surveys | 1995, 2001 | |
| World Values Survey | Michigan University, Baltic Surveys | 1990, 1997 | |
| European Values Survey | EVS Group, Baltic Surveys | 1999 | |
| Social problems around the Baltic Sea | Finland, Baltic Surveys | 1998 | |
| Parliamentary Survey | Oslo University, Baltic Surveys | 1993 | |
| Political Attitudes Survey | USIA, Baltic Surveys | 1989, 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995 | |
| Public opinion and level of awareness on security issues in the Baltic countries | Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Lithuania and NATO Office of Information and Press, Baltic Surveys | 1998 | |
| Bozell-Gallup Worldwide Quality Poll | The Gallup organization | 1996 | |
| Public Opinion towards the Kosovo crisis | The Gallup Organization | 1998 | |
| Social Welfare System Communications Improvement Project | Phare, Baltic Surveys | 1999 | |
| International Children Survey | UNICEF, Baltic Surveys | 2000 | |
| Map of Corruption: case of Lithuania | Transparency International, Baltic Surveys | 2001 | |
| Attitudes towards reforms | Oxford University, Baltic Surveys | 1993, 1997 | |
| Lithuanian Elite Survey | , Baltic Surveys | 1993, 1998, 2001 | |
| New Baltic Barometer | Vilmorus/ CSPP, Univ. of Strathclyde | 1993, 1995, 1996, 2000, 2001 | |
| International Crime Victim Surveys, ICVS International Working Group | Vilmorus and Baltic Surveys | 1996, 1997, 2000 | |
| Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, 1996-2000 | Baltic Surveys with Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Secretariat. | 1992, 1996, 2000 | |
| Fears of the Future | Vilmorus/Michigan State University | 1998 | |
| Fertility and Family Survey | Demographic Research Center/UNECE (Brussels) | 1994-95 | |
| Brain Drain | Demographic Research Center/European Commission (Brussels) | 1996 | |
| Acceptance of Population Related Policy | Demographic Research Center/Federal Institute for Population Research (BIB) | 2001 | |
| Public Perception and Awareness of Trafficking of Women in the Baltic States | Vilmorus/International Organization for Migration | 2001 | |
| National |
Monitoring of attitudes towards the EU | Vilmorus | Since 1997 permanently |
| Annual End of the Year survey | Baltic Surveys | 1999-2001 | |
| Investment Climate in Lithuania | Lithuanian Investment Agency, Baltic Surveys | 1996 | |
| Political values of Lithuanians: pre-election surveys | Baltic Surveys | 1991, 1996, 1997, 2000 | |
| Political culture in Lithuania | Social Information Center | 1994, 2000 | |
| Monitoring of political attitudes and opinions | Vilmorus and Baltic Surveys | Since 1990 on permanent basis | |
| Monitoring of human rights | Vilmorus | 2000, 2001 | |
| Pre-election and post-election surveys | Social Information Center Vilmorus and Baltic Surveys | 1992, 1995, 1996, 1997, 2000 | |
| Information Society in Lithuania | Vilmorus /Soros Foundation | 2000-2001 | |
| Local |
Ethnic minorities | Various survey agencies and institutions | |
| Elite studies | Various survey agencies and institutions | ||
| Social stratification research | Various survey agencies and institutions | ||
| Closure of Ignalina Nuclear Power Station: social and economic consequences | Various survey agencies and institutions |
| Institution | Data collections since/ remarks | |
|---|---|---|
| Lithuanian Academy of Sciences |
Institute of Philosophy, Sociology, Lithuanian Academy of Sciences | Late 1960s; sociological and demographic research data |
| Institute of Economics, Lithuanian Academy of Sciences | Since the 1970s | |
| Institute of Social Studies | A successor institution to the Institute of Philosophy, Sociology, Lithuanian Academy of Sciences; since April 1, 2002 | |
| Universities |
Kaunas University of Technology | Since the 1970s; sociological and political research |
| University of Klaipėda | Since the 1990s; sociological empirical research | |
| University of Law | Since the mid-1990s; sociological and political empirical research | |
| University of Šiauliai | Since the late 1990s; sociological empirical research and educational sciences | |
| University of Vilnius | Since the 1970s; sociological and political research | |
| Vytautas Magnus University | Since the 1990s; sociological empirical research | |
| Statistical offices |
Department of Statistics | |
| Other government and non-government institutions |
Lithuanian Bank | |
| Ministry of Finance | ||
| Ministry of Health Care | ||
| Central Electoral Committee | Since 1992 | |
| Lithuanian Free Market Institute | Since 1990 | |
| International organizations |
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), International Monetary Fund, Transparency International, Population Activities Unit of the United NationsEconomic Commission for Europe, International Organization of Migration etc. | Various years |
| Private institutions of public opinion and market research |
Baltic Surveys | Since 1992 |
| Vilmorus | Since 1993 | |
| Social Information Center | Since 1993 |
| Organization/Archive | Data collection | Principle investigator |
|---|---|---|
| GESIS/ZA and Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR) |
Central and Eastern Eurobarometer 1-8 (1990-1997) | Karlheinz Reif; George Cunningham; Malgorzata Kuzma; Jacques Vantomme; Louis Hersom. |
| Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR) |
Collective Memory in Lithuania, 1989 | Howard Schuman, and Vladas Gaidys |
| Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, 1996-2000 | Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Secretariat. | |
| Domestic Conflict Behavior, 1919-1966 | Arthur S. Banks,. | |
| General Social Survey of the European USSR, April-May 1991 | Michael Swafford, Polina Kozyreva, Mikhail Kosolapov, Gennady Denisovsky and Alfiya Nizamova. | |
| International Crime Victim Survey (ICVS), 1989-1997 | ICVS International Working Group, Anna Alvazzi del Frate, Jan J.M. van Dijk, John van Kesteren, Pat Mayhew and Ugi Svekic. | |
| Major Power Interactions with Less Developed Countries, 1959-1965 | Richard Cady, Franz Mogdis and Karen Tidwell. | |
| New Soviet Citizen Survey, 1990: Problems of Peace and Security | Arthur H. Miller | |
| New Soviet Citizen Survey, 1991: Monitoring Institutional Change | Arthur H. Miller, William Reisinger and Vicki T. Hesli. | |
| New Soviet Citizen Survey, 1992: Monitoring Political Change | Arthur H. Miller, William Reisinger and Vicki Hesli. | |
| Survey of Soviet Values, 1990 | James L. Gibson and Raymond M. Duch. | |
| Lijphart Elections Archive |
Lijphart Elections Archive | University of California, San Diego. Social Sciences and Humanities Library. |
| GESIS/ZA |
1991 A The Pulse of Europe (Lithuania) | |
| 1992 Values and Elections in Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia (Pre-Election Survey) | ||
| Joint Project Essex- IFES- ACEEO |
Parliamentary election results | 1990, 1992, 1996, 2000 |